Published on
Monday, January 7, 2013 by RobertReich.org
The Hoax of 'Entitlement' Reform
by Robert
Reich
It has become
accepted economic wisdom, uttered with deadpan certainty by policy pundits and
budget scolds on both sides of the aisle, that the only way to get control over
America’s looming deficits is to “reform entitlements.”
But the
accepted wisdom is wrong.
Start with the
statistics Republicans trot out at the slightest provocation — federal budget data showing a huge spike in direct
payments to individuals since the start of 2009, shooting up by almost $600
billion, a 32 percent increase.
And Census data showing 49 percent of Americans
living in homes where at least one person is collecting a federal benefit –
food stamps, unemployment insurance, worker’s compensation, or subsidized
housing — up from 44 percent in 2008.
But these
expenditures aren’t driving the federal budget deficit in future years. They’re
temporary. The reason for the spike is Americans got clobbered in 2008 with the
worst economic catastrophe since the Great Depression. They and their families
have needed whatever helping hands they could get.
If anything,
America’s safety nets have been too small and shot through with holes. That’s
why the number and percentage of Americans in poverty has increased
dramatically, including 22 percent of our children.
What about
Social Security and Medicare (along with Medicare’s poor step-child, Medicaid)?
Social Security
won’t contribute to future budget deficits. By law, it can only spend money
from the Social Security trust fund.
That fund has
been in surplus for the better part of two decades, as boomers contributed to
it during their working lives. As boomers begin to retire, those current
surpluses are disappearing.
But this only
means the trust fund will be collecting from the rest of the federal government
the IOUs on the surpluses it lent to the rest of the government.
This still
leaves a problem for the trust fund about two decades from now.
Yet the way to
deal with this isn’t to raise the eligibility age for receiving Social Security
benefits, as many entitlement reformers are urging. That would put an unfair
burden on most laboring people, whose bodies begin wearing out about the same
age they did decades ago even though they live longer.
And it’s not to
reduce cost-of-living adjustments for inflation, as even the White House seemed
ready to propose in recent months. Benefits are already meager for most
recipients. The median income of Americans over 65 is less than $20,000 a year. Nearly 70 percent
of them depend on Social Security for more than half of this. The average
Social Security benefit is less than $15,000 a year.
Besides, Social
Security’s current inflation adjustment actually understates the true impact of
inflation on elderly recipients — who spend far more than anyone else on health
care, the costs of which have been rising faster than overall inflation.
That leaves two
possibilities that “entitlement reformers” rarely if ever suggest, but are the
only fair alternatives: raising the ceiling on income subject to Social
Security taxes (in 2013 that ceiling is $113,700), and means-testing benefits
so wealthy retirees receive less. Both should be considered.
What’s left to
reform? Medicare and Medicaid costs are projected to soar. But here again, look
closely and you’ll see neither is really the problem.
The underlying
problem is the soaring costs of health care — as evidenced by soaring premiums,
co-payments, and deductibles that all of us are bearing — combined with the
aging of the boomer generation.
The solution
isn’t to reduce Medicare benefits. It’s for the nation to contain overall
healthcare costs and get more for its healthcare dollars.
We’re already
spending nearly 18 percent of our entire economy on health care,
compared to an average of 9.6 percent in all other rich countries.
Yet we’re no
healthier than their citizens are. In fact, our life expectancy at birth (78.2
years) is shorter than theirs (averaging 79.5 years), and our infant mortality
(6.5 deaths per 1000 live births) is higher (theirs is 4.4).
Why? Doctors
and hospitals in the U.S. have every incentive to spend on unnecessary tests,
drugs, and procedures.
For example,
almost 95 percent of cases of lower back pain are best relieved by physical
therapy. But American doctors and hospitals routinely do expensive MRI’s, and
then refer patients to orthopedic surgeons who often do even more costly
surgery. There’s not much money in physical therapy.
Another
example: American doctors typically hospitalize people whose diabetes, asthma,
or heart conditions act up. Twenty percent of these people are hospitalized
again within a month. In other rich nations nurses make home visits to ensure
that people with such problems are taking their medications. Nurses don’t make
home visits to Americans with acute conditions because hospitals aren’t paid
for such visits.
An estimated 30
percent of all healthcare spending in the United States is pure waste,
according to the Institute of Medicine.
We keep patient
records on computers that can’t share data, requiring that they be continuously
rewritten on pieces of paper and then reentered on different computers,
resulting in costly errors.
And our
balkanized healthcare system spends huge sums collecting money from different
pieces of itself: Doctors collect from hospitals and insurers, hospitals
collect from insurers, insurers collect from companies or from policy holders.
A major
occupational category at most hospitals is “billing clerk.” A third of nursing
hours are devoted to documenting what’s happened so insurers have proof.
Cutting or
limiting Medicare and Medicaid costs, as entitlement reformers want to do,
won’t reform any of this. It would just result in less care.
In fact, we’d
do better to open Medicare to everyone. Medicare’s administrative costs are in
the range of 3 percent.
That’s well
below the 5 to 10 percent costs borne by large companies that self-insure. It’s
even further below the administrative costs of companies in the small-group
market (amounting to 25 to 27 percent of premiums). And it’s way, way lower
than the administrative costs of individual insurance (40 percent). It’s even
far below the 11 percent costs of private plans under Medicare Advantage, the
current private-insurance option under Medicare.
Healthcare
costs would be further contained if Medicare and Medicaid could use their huge bargaining
leverage over healthcare providers to shift away from a
“fee-for-the-most-costly-service” system to a system focused on achieving
healthy outcomes.
Medicare isn’t
the problem. It may be the solution.
“Entitlement
reform” sounds like a noble endeavor. But it has little or nothing to do with
reducing future budget deficits.
Taming future
deficits requires three steps having nothing to do with entitlements: Limiting
the growth of overall healthcare costs, cutting our bloated military, and
ending corporate welfare (tax breaks and subsidies targeted to particular firms
and industries).
Obsessing about
“entitlement reform” only serves to distract us from these more important
endeavors.
This work is
licensed under a Creative Commons License
Robert
Reich, one of the nation’s leading experts on work and the economy,
is Chancellor’s Professor of Public Policy at the Goldman School of Public
Policy at the University of California at Berkeley. He has served in three
national administrations, most recently as secretary of labor under President
Bill Clinton. Time Magazine has named him one of the ten most effective cabinet
secretaries of the last century. He has written thirteen books, including his
latest best-seller, Aftershock: The Next Economy and
America’s Future; The Work of Nations; Locked in the Cabinet; Supercapitalism; and his
newest, Beyond Outrage. His
syndicated columns, television appearances, and public radio commentaries reach
millions of people each week. He is also a founding editor of the American
Prospect magazine, and Chairman of the citizen’s group Common Cause. His widely-read
blog can be found at www.robertreich.org.
Source URL: http://www.commondreams.org/view/2013/01/07-3
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